Don't Ignore Electoral Fraud in Egypt
by Daniel Pipes and Cynthia Farahat
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When Egypt's Lower House convened on Jan. 23, Islamists held 360 out of its 498 seats, or 72 percent. This astounding figure, however, reflects less the country's public opinion than it does a ploy by the ruling military leadership to remain in power.
In a recent article ("Egypt's Sham Election," Dec. 6) we argued that just as Anwar El-Sadat and Hosni Mubarak in the past "tactically empowered Islamists as a foil to gain Western support, arms, and money," so do Mohamed Tantawi and his Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) "still play this tired old game."
The Free Egyptians Party, Egypt's leading classic liberal political party, announced on Jan. 10 that it had filed more than 500 complaints about Lower House elections "but no legal action was taken" in response. The party pulled out of forthcoming Upper House elections because "violators are awarded with electoral gains and those abiding by the laws are punished" and called for their cancelation.
Mohamed ElBaradei, former director general of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) withdrew his candidacy for president on Jan. 14 because of his perception of rigged elections: "My conscience," he announced, "does not permit me to run for the presidency or any other official position unless it is within a real democratic system."
Mamdouh Hamza, head of the Egyptian National Council, an NGO, confirmed this tampering to El-Badil, dubbing it "the biggest crime of fraud in Egyptian history." He demanded that the Lower House elections be redone from scratch.
In contrast, the victorious Islamists, who despise democracy, made little effort to conceal their electoral success through fraud. Some of them went so far as proudly and unapologetically to assert that it's their Islamic duty to be dishonest. Tal'at Zahran, a leading Salafi, called the democratic system "infidel," "criminal," and "out of the [Protocols of the] Elders of Zion." He cynically observed that "it is our duty to forge elections; God will reward us for this."
With so much evidence of fraud at hand, it bewilders us that Western politicians, journalists, and scholars continue to see the shoddy results of the just-concluded Egyptian elections as a valid expression of popular will. Where are the cynical journalists casting doubt on the Salafis coming from nowhere to win 28 percent of the vote? Why do hard-boiled analysts, who see right through rigged elections in Russia and Syria, fall for "the biggest crime of fraud in Egyptian history"? Perhaps because they give Cairo a break on account of its having cooperated with Western powers for nearly 40 years; or perhaps because Tantawi rigs more convincingly.
Given SCAF's explicit disdain for the election results, we are also surprised that analysts expect these significantly to bear on the country's future. In fact, SCAF manipulated the recent elections for its own benefit; Islamists are pawns in this drama, not kings. We are witnessing not an ideological revolution but a military officer corps staying dominant to enjoy the sweet fruits of tyranny.
Jan. 24, 2012 addendum: This is the second co-authored with Cynthia Farahat looking at Egypt's fraudulent elections. The prior one covered the first round of parliamentary elections ("Egypt's Sham Election").
July 11, 2012 update: Cynthia Farahat and I return to the topic of fraudulent elections, this time concerning the presidency, in "Egypt's Real Ruler: Mohamed Tantawi."
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